
Cauê Alves, chief curator of MAM São Paulo.

In 2024, the MAM debate reaches its third edition with the goal of reflecting on and designing cultural institutions, their programming, and curatorial approaches, placing the audiences with whom they interact as fundamental. Reflecting the desires of diverse audiences—without abandoning the institution's purpose, without succumbing to the degradation of mass events or immersive exhibitions focused solely on entertainment—is among the challenges, as is reflecting on the audiences that museums attract at a time when interests are increasingly segmented, and visitor profiles are increasingly diverse. Among the issues that prompted us to organize this debate is the challenge for museums to effectively engage with their audiences, and for their programming to have an impact beyond a simple "like" on a cell phone screen, without minimizing the relevance of social media in the contemporary world. How can one open up to the public, listen to their desires, and at the same time value the institution's history, while never ceasing to preserve, research, and disseminate its collection? If the act of throwing tomato sauce on a work of art attracts more attention than any discussion about art, how can we avoid succumbing to the logic of scandal or grand spectacles and instead make it possible to consistently value the direct experience with the artwork? How can museums ensure that the knowledge they produce becomes more than just content for digital platforms? How can we engage diverse audiences without necessarily addressing all the legitimate demands of the various communities that frequent museums, demands that may be contradictory to each other? How can identity demands be represented in the museum without weakening the social needs and broad, diverse educational projects? The reflection that the debates proposed here intend to generate encompasses various fields, more specifically the relationship between curatorship and communication. Thinking about how the museum engages with the public through its programming, educational activities, publications (catalogs, brochures, and wall texts), as well as the increasingly ubiquitous digital media, requires the development of precise and comprehensive institutional communication, directed at specific audiences with their particularities, but also at what has become known as the general public. As we know, the supposed universality that modern art aspired to did not materialize, especially the utopian dream that modern or abstract art would be more accessible to everyone, regardless of their backgrounds or origins, as if modern art, in itself, were more democratic, directly affecting the sensibility of the citizen, without the obligation of discursive mediations or European paradigms of representation. Aware not only of the failure of modern utopias and the difficulty of breaking through the bubble of the contemporary art circuit to audiences unfamiliar with it, but also of the impossibility of a universal curatorial program and institutional communication, MAM has been thinking about institutional communication that encompasses both traditional modalities and urban media (out of home), as well as digital media and social networks. However, we are aware that engagement on social networks is defined by algorithms that prioritize individual interests over collective ones, and therefore, the private tends to prevail over the public. In 2024, MAM São Paulo reached 288.237 followers on Instagram, 126.852 followers on Facebook, 90.323 followers on X (formerly Twitter), 58.867 followers on LinkedIn, 11.538 subscribers on YouTube, 4.473 followers on TikTok, approximately 740 interactions on its website, and an average of 12,5 views on its Google Arts & Culture page. In 2024, the MAM's online audience totaled more than 1.330.000, and in-person visits totaled approximately 165, including 27.552 people participating in visits with the MAM Educational program. In recent years, these numbers have more or less followed this proportion, although the virtual audience has decreased since the pandemic, at which time this audience reached more than 1.885.000 at MAM. The sheer number of virtual channels, as well as the enormous numerical difference between in-person and online interaction, alone warrants reflection on the subject. But can the in-person and digital experiences be compared? How does the audience become the protagonist, when viewing a post on social media cannot replace the physical contact with the exhibition space? Among the strategies that MAM has implemented are actions in which various sectors of MAM participate. For example, the "MAM in the City" initiative, which involved inserting works from the museum's collection into urban media and blank building facades at a time when museums were closed due to the Covid-19 pandemic; "MAM in Minecraft," developed in partnership with MAM Educativo for use by teachers in the classroom in a game format; and exhibitions that require the visitor's physical presence in Ibirapuera Park but take place on a cell phone screen, such as "Realities and Simulacra," created using augmented reality in 2023, when the museum discussed how the in-person and digital experiences overlap, complement, or contradict each other. Beyond the demand for Instagrammable spaces, the 38th Panorama of Brazilian Art project involved the construction of a 3-D digital environment, an immersive platform that expanded the reach of the exhibition and developed a curatorial experiment that does not consider the digital as opposed to the physical. The podcast "Mil graus," produced by MAM about the 38th Panorama, also brings together the fields of communication and curatorship. At the same time that the digital audience and social networks are growing, art criticism is atrophying. Digital influencers, with millions of followers, have more impact than the analog influencers of old-school art criticism. How can we conceive of an art institution that is connected and independent in its programming, in an era of exponential growth in new sponsored influencers? MAM recently conducted several surveys on the profile of its visitors, and it became clear that the museum needs to reach out to a younger audience, in addition to educational programs and visits from partner schools. The MAM Debate 2024: Designing Museums, Reflecting on Audiences aims to contribute to the discussion of programming strategies in cultural institutions and how these institutions reflect societal demands, as well as how museums address the most pressing issues of the contemporary world and their effects on society as a whole. To that end, we have the following discussions from two panels: Panel 1, entitled Public Projection: Museums and their Programs, which invites guests Alex Calheiros (director of the Inconfidência Museum, MG), Cintia Maria (director of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture, BA) and Marília Bonas (technical director of the Football Museum/IDBrasil, SP) to discuss the ways in which different institutions project themselves to their audiences, especially through programmatic and curatorial proposals, and to analyze the real effects of their propositions. And Panel 2, entitled Integrated Communication: Museums and their Networks, in which guests Caroline Carrion (communication superintendent of the Bienal Foundation, SP), Fernando Bruno (digital project coordinator of the Museum of Latin American Art of Buenos Aires – Malba) and Lorena Vicini (executive manager of strategy and transformation of the Inhotim Institute, MG) present the communication and creation strategies employed in order to relate to their audiences, integrating their respective in-person programs with the digital or virtual dimension in which much of the contact with the public takes place today. We conclude with the special participation of Kássia Borges, an indigenous visual artist from the Iny do Cerrado people and member of the MAHKU collective (Huni Kuin Artists Movement), university professor, and curator, who discusses the representation of indigenous communities in institutional spaces.
Alex Calheiros, director of the Inconfidência Museum

The Inconfidência Museum (MIN) is a museum unit that is part of a group of five national historical museums managed by the Brazilian Institute of Museums — Ibram. Created in 1938, with its creation decree signed by then President of the Republic Getúlio Vargas and his Minister of Education and Culture Gustavo Capanema, the Inconfidência Museum, located in the historic city of Ouro Preto, was, in its time, an advance in Brazilian museology, since the museums then existing had not yet undergone updates, still reflecting, both in their structures and narratives, more traditional conceptions. Located in the interior of the country, but in a destination recently made mythical by the journey of "rediscovery" of Brazil by the São Paulo modernists, the Inconfidência Museum, despite the missteps and criticisms that the modernist ideal has faced, has remained a significant institution.
Suffering in contemporary times, it is naturally also a legacy of that moment, a foundational moment for a broader understanding of national culture, structuring our institutions. The Inconfidência Museum has the mission, as stated in its creation decree, of collecting documents, objects, and works of art related to the Inconfidência Mineira, the formation of Ouro Preto and Minas Gerais, and, clearly, its contribution to national formation. Indeed, its place, within the group of national historical museums, is marked precisely by the perspective of political formation, but also...
Artistic and cultural, it is national from a protest standpoint, as it is a memorial to one of the most relevant opposition movements against the Portuguese Crown. To serve as its headquarters, the old Town Hall and Jail was designated, in an agreement with the government of the state of Minas Gerais. Construction began in 1785, commissioned by the then governor of the province of Minas Gerais and São Paulo, Captain-General Luis da Cunha Meneses, formerly governor of the Province of Goiás, a very important figure in the Chilean Letters, a pamphlet written by Tomás Antonio Gonzaga, one of the Minas Gerais conspirators, in the guise of the Braggart Minésio. Moreover, in Letters Three and Four, Critilo narrates to Doroteu the events involving the Braggart Minésio, an authoritarian, vain, and corrupt man, the mastermind and executor of the stone and lime building that would replace the old Town Hall and Jail, still made of wattle and daub, certainly insecure and too small for the needs of a city in constant growth and increasingly violent due to the decline in gold mining. In a poetic nod to the situation of Vila Rica, today Ouro Preto, in the 18th century, the eyes of a satirical poet tell of the erection of a leafy Town Hall and Jail, replacing the older one, located more or less where the monument to Joaquim José da Silva Xavier stands today, in the center of the current Tiradentes Square. The text reads: “Give up, mad chief, on this undertaking: a magnificent building, erected upon the bones of innocents, built with the tears of the poor, never serves as glory to its author, but rather as opprobrium” (p. 42). The anonymity of the work was necessary; today it is believed that its authorship is, in fact, that of Tomás Antonio Gonzaga, due to the denunciations made therein regarding the injustices and violence necessary for the execution of the building and the various acts of the governor, who occupied the building on the other side of the square, another portentous construction, designed and executed by José Fernandes Pinto Alpoim, a military man, one of the greatest Portuguese architects in the colony. One enigma remains: the
The motivation behind its construction, whether driven by vanity, with Luis da Cunha Meneses's architectural inclinations, or by the recent impoverishment of the city during the decline of the Gold Cycle, is unclear. This also led to the events that materialized in the conspiracy, which would soon be suppressed by the repressive power of the Crown. Important figures from Minas Gerais' high society, including priests, were indicted, resulting in the exile of many involved and the condemnation to death by hanging of Tiradentes, the only participant from the popular classes.
The building of the former Town Hall and Jail was only completed a hundred years after the start of its construction, in 1855, becoming, during the republican period, the state prison. Only in 1938, following the decree creating a museum dedicated to the memory of the Minas Gerais conspirators, was its function modified, and the adaptation works entrusted to the National Historical and Artistic Heritage Service (SPHAN), under the direction of Rodrigo Melo Franco. Herein lies an important clue to understanding how the Inconfidência Museum was constituted, the ideology surrounding its creation, and the collection that gives it content. First, it is worth highlighting this association between Vargas's policies and the modernists. Two very distinct perspectives on the past, more specifically on the Brazilian past, based on the importance that Minas Gerais has for the construction of these perspectives. This first viewpoint is imbued with positivist and nationalist ideology, because it is not...
The novelty lies in Getúlio Vargas's intention to revitalize the ideology forged in the Proclamation of the Republic. It is not appropriate here to reconstruct the disputes surrounding the Minas Gerais Conspiracy and its place in the constitution of the nationalist myth that erected the image of the conspirators based on the sacrificial model of the martyrs of the fatherland and the numerous associations with the Catholic Christian model that left its mark on the iconography, especially that of Tiradentes, and very clearly in the museum's long-term exhibition, notably called the Inconfidência Room, in which the most important object, the so-called Tiradentes Book, a collection of American constitutional laws, a forbidden, subversive book in Tiradentes' possession at the time of his arrest, is immediately neutralized, because, next to it, is another book, authored by one of the conspirators, Tomás Antonio Gonzaga, the same author of the Chilean Letters, dedicated to Maria Joaquina de Seixas, his muse, Marília de Dirceu, an important work of the Arcadian movement, but far from having any political content, much less revolutionary. On the other hand, in the same room, the gallows beams of the hero are arranged in the shape of a cross, and in front of them, a large canvas depicting his trial, a painting clearly inspired by the many scenes of the trial of Christ or Socrates, among other documents, such as the sentence of condemnation, an old forceps, an instrument used to extract teeth, and a clock bought in the 1950s at an auction in Portugal, passing through part of the estate of Father Manuel Rodrigues, one of the conspirators, an embroidery belonging to Marília and furniture, among them, a table at which the conspirators would have sat in their literary gatherings. Soon after, we are led to the Pantheon of the Inconfidentes, designed by José de Souza Reis, one of Rodrigo Melo Franco's first collaborators, an austere space containing the tombstones of the conspirators, a tribute made on the occasion of the return of the mortal remains brought from Africa, ordered to be retrieved by the Brazilian government, under the direction of Augusto de Lima Junior. The narrative is frankly religious, even more so when we see, in contrast to a red flag with a triangle in the center and the motto, now engraved on the flag of Minas Gerais,
"Libertas quae sera tamen," a crucifix attached to the wall, sacralizing the space, reserved to be a republican altar. The entire political narrative displayed in the lower part of the museum is not very different; starting from the so-called Origin Room, its narrative is more than conventional, telling an official story, copied from old schoolbooks that narrate the deeds of the Portuguese Crown in Minas Gerais. Land grant markers, portraits of the royal family, including one of Dona Maria—without any mention of the one who signed Tiradentes' death sentence—coats of arms, magistrates' staffs, bells and other religious objects, weapons such as pistols and rifles, these next to an indigenous funerary urn and arrows. To make it clearer, a reproduction of an engraving by Debret depicting a supposed encounter between Portuguese and indigenous people, in a diplomatic protocol, exchanging gifts. Finally, a founding story, without conflict, without blood, without death.
The next rooms are those of Civil Construction and Transportation, as one might imagine, all dedicated to the lifestyle of the aristocracy, their ways of living and traveling, including a litter, fitted with sheepskins, to suggest that the object was pulled by animal traction. It wasn't!
The fourth room is entirely dedicated to mining and, of course, to the "work" in the mines. Various objects are displayed there, such as gold pans, weighing instruments, and a huge model representing the different ways of extracting gold, from the manual process, known as alluvial mining, to the more complex excavation. There is no mention of the African technology employed in mining and no explanation of the fact that the enslaved peoples were enslaved precisely because they knew how to mine, build with stone, etc., having their knowledge expropriated. Among objects of curiosity, there is a tree trunk with the description "of wood, iron" and a comment: used as a corrective for those who tried to subvert the order. In the caption of an image of Saint Benedict, of unmistakable black carving, there is a comment about the origin of the saint and the fact that the existence of the image is proof that there was freedom of worship and religion in the colonial period.
There is also a room dedicated to social life, showcasing a series of objects, clothing, tableware, and a street cart. The final room, depicting the moments preceding Independence, the Empire Room, again features imperial coats of arms and paintings of Dom Pedro I and Dom Pedro II, completing the colonial narrative in a museum that, within the limits of its time, should be a memorial to an anti-colonial moment.
The upper part is entirely dedicated to the arts and religion. Consider, by religion, the Catholic religion, present in the first room, called Painting and Sculpture, which displays a series of sculptures by anonymous authors, from Portuguese colonial art in the East, with ivory images, to a series of minor masters from Minas Gerais, such as Mestre de Piranga, Piraguinhas, LC, among others, and paintings of the apostles, also anonymous, almost in the style of Athayd. In short, the room aims to be a room of popular art, by anonymous authors, but they are clearly minor artists; minor, perhaps, because they are unknown, but with a great desire to be erudite. Then, another room, this one explicitly dedicated to religion, with crucifixes, scores of sacred music, altars, candelabras, towel-bearing angels, and altarpieces. The next room deserves special mention, dedicated to the Eucharistic Triumph, a major event that took place in 1734, a Counter-Reformation movement that spread throughout the world with large processions, in an effort to demonstrate the power and splendor of the Catholic faith in the face of the threats of Protestantism. In a well-known account, amidst the Romanized splendor, in a city that still boasts a black population of almost 80%, there was no shortage of the "hot lundu" dance of the black people and even the richly adorned "Carijó Indians." The Carijó were people from the northern coast of São Paulo who were enslaved and taken to Minas Gerais. The Eucharistic Triumph became known as the "Baroque carnival." We also have a room dedicated to lay brotherhoods, clearly white; a room dedicated to oratories, with little space for the more popular ones, diluted among oratories of more refined carving and sophisticated polychromy. Finally, a room dedicated to Aleijadinho, and another to Athayde. Among
They are a long room with a varied exhibition of furniture from the colonial period, between the 18th and 19th centuries.
Finally, as I have tried to demonstrate here, the Inconfidência Museum is a colonial museum in which the narrative of the dominant classes, including the colonizing class, is given complete prominence, with an absolute absence of the presence and contribution of Black people, the presence or disappearance of Indigenous peoples, women, other forms of religious life, Jews, New Christians, religions of African origin and their syncretisms.
The Inconfidência Museum currently has a small staff and a budget only for maintenance, that is, security, room attendants, cleaning, and a few administrative assistant positions. Only recently have we managed to secure some outsourced contracts for core activities, which means that our actions have been fundamentally based on repositioning the museum, notably on themes concerning the appreciation of the presence and contribution of enslaved peoples, the participation of women in social and political life in Minas Gerais, and other planned actions on indigenous peoples and the persecution of Jews and New Christians during the colonial period. The Inconfidência Museum currently has no educational department, nor a communications team.
The first action taken by the new administration, directly impacting the Museum's audience, was to make admission free, significantly increasing visitation and reaching an audience of approximately 350 visitors in 2024, practically double the number from the year before the Covid-19 pandemic.
Another relevant action that broadened the audience, not only physically but especially virtually, was the inclusion, in 2023 and 2024, of tombstones dedicated to the women who undeniably participated in the political actions that culminated in the Minas Gerais Conspiracy by a group of conspirators. These are Hipólita Jacinta and Bárbara Heliodora. Decisions made based on academic research and the recovery of historical facts related to the establishment of the museum and the pantheon supported our decisions. The recent debate has yielded several results, including the proposal to include Hipólita in the book of national heroes and heroines, as well as proposals for films, academic research and, inevitably, given the large number of school visits, the dissemination of the participation and importance of the two women in the events of the Minas Gerais Conspiracy. Numerous radio, newspaper, and television appearances in 2023 and 2024 gave the institution enormous visibility, highlighting the moment of repositioning and historical reparations that the Museum was undergoing.
The Inconfidência project has been promoting, in dialogue with academia, the Ouro Preto community, and researchers, artists, and curators from all over the country.
The second initiative, which I believe is expanding the dialogue with the public, is the project "This object, what does it tell us?", with three well-planned cycles dedicated to sensitive themes in the long-term exhibition: slavery, gender, and indigenous peoples. These cycles were created through continuous dialogue with the local population and experts from diverse backgrounds and training. The project takes place virtually and has had a surprising reach, demonstrating a growing interest from diverse audiences, in a widespread manner, in the themes that the museum has been discussing.
I present here the project "This object, what does it tell us?", developed by the curatorial team, educational team and partners of the museum.
Sensitive objects and pasts in the MIN
Concept:
This initiative seeks to discuss the presentation and exhibition of sensitive pasts at the Inconfidência Museum. Thus, we join the necessary debate on the permanence and forms of exhibition of museum objects that evoke sensitive pasts such as slavery and racism, gender inequalities, the subjugation of indigenous peoples, the trivialization of historical violence, and various forms of invisibility that still characterize the narratives of historical museums. Our idea is to bring together researchers in the humanities, artists, and representatives of cultural and social movements to discuss the fate of these objects in the exhibitions and collections of the Inconfidência Museum. The debates will inform curatorial decisions, acquisition policies, research models, and communication of the collection, as well as educational actions designed to ensure the democratization of the historical and aesthetic experience that the Inconfidência Museum offers to its audiences. For this reason, the debate cycles will be recorded to create an archive of references that we can access for decision-making, as well as for future research on the transformations of the Inconfidência Museum. Therefore, the initiative is organized into cycles related to sensitive themes in our history and social life, inviting reflection in order to build responsible positions.
First cycle: museum objects and the trivialization of slavery.
There are a number of objects on display at the Inconfidência Museum that evoke the violence of slavery. The way they are displayed, especially the objects of torment and torture, does not allow us to consider the struggles for freedom of enslaved people, nor does it make it possible to truly conceive of other modulations of their historical existence, beyond the condition of enslaved workers. This process is identified as one aspect of what we are calling the "trivialization of slavery" in museums. In short, the exclusive exhibition of objects related to the control and violence against enslaved people—or their excessive prominence—reinforces a homogeneous view of that historical process, which contributes to subordinating the historical experience of the Afro-Brazilian population. It seems necessary to confront this problem. Hence, we ask ourselves: what to do with such objects? How to reveal the violence of slavery, whose marks still persist, without concealing the struggles for freedom of the enslaved? How to present the creative potential of Black people, essential to work, but also to other dimensions of social life? How can we relate the commitments to slavery that were not addressed by political emancipation movements, such as the Minas Gerais Conspiracy?
And what about Independence, both represented in the museum? How can we present Afro-Brazilian women and men as historical subjects and creators recognized in their time and in ours?
2nd cycle: gender issues and contemporary developments
Despite recent efforts to update narratives about women's participation in the country's political and social life since the 18th century, the Inconfidência Museum recognizes that the visibility given to its female figures should be considered only the beginning of a long process of identification, research, and recognition. Women who, deprived of a leading role in the country's history, in a less "unequal" society, would certainly have assumed a role more consistent with their ideas and actions than that of mere supporting actors to their husbands. Hipólita Jacinta had long been recognized for her role in the Minas Gerais Conspiracy, although her tombstone did not occupy the honorable place in the Pantheon of the Inconfidentes, a place dedicated to a dozen men who, to a greater or lesser degree, had their names linked to this historical event. Bárbara Heliodora, despite her poetic and literary production being considered by many to be timid, might have been considered a major figure in Brazilian Arcadianism and the Minas Gerais Conspiracy under different circumstances than her libertarian activism in Vila Rica. Despite the late recognition of these two women, it is important to acknowledge that both occupied a privileged position in 18th-century Ouro Preto society, a period in which there was no place for women who were not white, religious, or aristocratic. What was the place of people whose gender identities did not align with the identities of privileged women and men based on color, race, ethnicity, creed, and socioeconomic status? It is from this statement that we begin the 2nd Cycle of Debates "This object, what does it tell us?", dedicated exclusively to gender issues and contemporary developments, observed through objects from the collection of the Inconfidência Museum. The institution is on a long path, envisioning...
In this initial phase, the focus is on updating the exhibition narrative and, in the near future, a new long-term exhibition. This process could not have occurred without actively listening to collectives and individuals who have relevant gender issues as a central theme in their research, work, and actions. We could not possibly name all the people and groups who have contributed to the Inconfidência Museum during this journey. In this series of debates, we count on the support, ideas, and suggestions of collectives that were present at the public consultation held in the museum's auditorium: Museus em Movimento Collective; Mães pela Liberdade Collective; Basta! Collective; IFMG NEGED/IFMG — Center for Gender and Diversity Studies/IFMG; Rosa Negra: Afro-Brazilian popular culture group; Negro Braima Mané Collective; UBM Ouro Preto Collective; Ninfeias Collective; Pandeirosa Collective; Bateria Carabina Collective; Quilombo Vila Santa Efigênia Collective; Andorinhas Collective. To answer the questions, and considering the purpose of the series on narratives within the exhibition circuit, our guests will discuss the event's themes based on a museum object from the museum's collection—or the absence thereof. The meetings will be moderated by professionals from the Inconfidência Museum, the organizing collectives, and other institutions. Given the plurality of perspectives on the topic, we will seek to combine, whenever possible, debaters from diverse social backgrounds, training, areas of expertise, and positions.
3rd cycle: original occupations
We are still developing the proposal for the 3rd cycle, dedicated to "Original Occupations". Recently, we submitted an application to the UNESCO program "Routes of Enslaved Peoples" and were selected, among 22 places in the world, transforming the previously iconic building from the Minas Gerais colonial period into a place of memory sensitive to the history of slavery, since, as mentioned before, the old Town Hall and Jail was built by enslaved hands and, given the history of Brazilian prisons, these hands were mostly those of prisoners. Thus, today, the museum is internationally recognized as a place of memory and Black presence. Next year, as a result of listening and recognition, a new room will be inaugurated entirely dedicated to the material culture of Black people in Minas Gerais, from the 18th century to the present day, with approximately 150 pieces donated by a collector from Minas Gerais. In addition to the debate cycles, which are important actions for the museum given the composition of its collections and exhibition narratives, and its insertion in a city with a black majority and the erasure of occupations prior to the Gold Cycle—projects, therefore, dedicated to the historical reparations necessary for the museum and the city of Ouro Preto—another strategy we have used is the problematization of the narrative of the long-term exhibition, through the Contemporary Art Intervention Program of the long-term exhibition circuit, which has brought several artists to the museum, culminating in the partnership with the Reocupa Collective, in the exhibition Refoundação.
Cintia Maria, director of MUNCAB

Museums, as spaces of preservation, memory, conviviality, and learning, face the challenge of reinventing themselves in the face of profound social and cultural transformations in a hyper-connected contemporary society, which has contributed to new forms of interaction and consumption of cultural goods. The growing distancing of a new generation from traditional forms of cultural consumption raises urgent questions about how museums can build meaningful relationships with their audiences without succumbing to ephemeral and superficial logic.
This scenario challenges cultural institutions, especially museums, to reflect on their programming, projects, programs, collections, and the communication they establish with society. How can they balance the preservation of historical and cultural values with the innovation necessary to engage with new audiences? This central question demands a multifaceted approach that considers both contemporary demands and the institutional responsibilities of a museum.
The so-called new generation is composed of individuals who grew up in a hyper-connected world, with easy access to a diversity of information, stories, and forms of cultural expression, mainly through television, cell phone, and computer screens. This generation tends to question traditional institutions and seek more dynamic, inclusive experiences that reflect their realities and identities. The traditional museum format, often perceived as hierarchical and distant, needs to be transformed to respond to these new desires and needs. Imagine the size of the challenge for institutions that were initially conceived as spaces for contemplation to now need to consider dialogue and interaction with their audiences? This is a challenging issue, and it means rethinking both the curatorial narrative and the museum plans and their programs. But, to do this, it is necessary to revisit central concepts, such as: what is a museum?
According to the 2022 definition from the International Council of Museums (ICOM), a museum is:
a permanent, non-profit institution at the service of society,
who researches, collects, preserves, interprets and exhibits material heritage.
and intangible. Museums, open to the public, accessible and inclusive,
They promote diversity and sustainability. Museums function and
They communicate ethically, professionally, and with the participation of
communities provide diverse experiences for education, enjoyment,
Reflection and sharing of knowledge. [emphasis added].
According to Law No. 11.904, of January 14, 2009, which established the Statute of Museums:
For the purposes of this Law, museums are considered to be non-profit institutions.
profitable organizations that preserve, investigate, communicate, interpret, and exhibit,
for the purposes of preservation, study, research, education, contemplation and
tourism, sets and collections of historical, artistic, scientific, and technical value.
or of any other cultural nature, open to the public, at the service of
society and its development (BRAZIL, 2009). [emphasis added].
With the aim of encompassing the diversity of the museum field, Decree No. 8.124, of October 17, 2013, which regulates the Statute of Museums, provides not only the concept of a museum, but also the definition of museological processes, understood as:
program, project and action under development or developed with
theoretical and practical foundations of museology, which considers the territory, the
cultural heritage and social memory of specific communities, for
to produce knowledge and cultural and socioeconomic development.
(BRAZIL, 2013). [emphasis added]
Both the most recent and older definitions highlight the importance of the relationship with the public, the territory, and the museum institution; that is, in addition to preservation, museums have among their functions to relate to different audiences and territories. The connection between the definitions of ICOM (2022), Law No. 11.904 (2009), and Decree No. 8.124 (2013) with the need to create effective relationships with diverse audiences can be seen in the emphasis these documents place on accessibility, inclusion, and the promotion of cultural diversity. This reflects the importance of considering the multiple experiences and identities of audiences, such as gender, race, social class, and accessibility, to create a representative and inclusive space.
To create effective relationships with diverse audiences, museums first need to understand the plurality of experiences that make up their audiences. This implies going beyond traditional demographic categories and considering aspects such as gender, race, social class, accessibility, and intersectionality. By integrating these perspectives into their museum plans, cultural institutions can become more representative, diverse, and inclusive.
At the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture (MUNCAB), for example, this approach has guided our actions. We work to ensure that each exhibition, event, program, or project reflects the histories, struggles, and achievements of the Brazilian and Afro-diasporic Black communities. This translates into actions that prioritize active listening, dialogue with local communities, and the co-creation of narratives.
In the context of MUNCAB, building bridges with diverse audiences means going beyond the superficial pursuit of engagement; it means making historical reparations. It involves following a museological plan that considers the promotion and respect for human and cultural rights from the perspective of democracy, cultural citizenship, and interculturality. This perspective leads us to construct strategies that prioritize the strengthening of authentic bonds and a sense of belonging.
Belonging as social transformation
Museums and cultural institutions play a central role in promoting a sense of belonging. Conceived as spaces of memory, learning, and community, they must reflect the plurality of voices and stories that make up society. This requires an active commitment to inclusion and representation, ensuring that everyone sees themselves reflected and recognized in their practices.
At the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture (MUNCAB), for example, belonging is a fundamental principle. The narratives and exhibitions are designed to celebrate the diversity and contributions of the Brazilian Black community and the African diaspora, offering a space where these stories can be honored and experienced. This approach strengthens the bond between the museum and its communities, creating an environment where the public not only observes but also participates, questions, and recognizes itself.
Promoting a sense of belonging is not just a matter of inclusion; it is an act of social transformation. A strong and widespread feeling of belonging contributes to social cohesion, mutual respect, and the reduction of inequalities. It strengthens collective and individual self-esteem, providing a solid foundation for people to exercise their rights and create healthier and more collaborative relationships.
In the context of cultural and educational policies, belonging should be a strategic priority. This means implementing actions that combat exclusion and create conditions for all social groups, especially those historically marginalized, to feel an integral part of the social fabric. Projects that promote intercultural dialogue, the appreciation of diversity, and the preservation of shared memories are powerful examples of how this can be achieved.
A look at MUNCAB
The concept of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture (MUNCAB) is based on the recognition of the centrality of Black people in the identity, culture, and art formation of Brazil, promoting a sense of belonging among the Afro-Brazilian population and valuing their contributions to the civilizing process. In dialogue with contemporary realities, the museum combats epistemicide.¹ By highlighting knowledge, wisdom, and practices that have been historically erased, made invisible, marginalized, and silenced, reaffirming its mission as a cultural policy with social impact. Bento (2022) states that “the narcissistic pact of whiteness² "It is sustained by silence and denial," highlighting how institutions often reproduce a system of inequality that marginalizes Black populations. MUNCAB, by opposing this pact, positions itself as an active agent in recognizing and valuing Afro-Brazilian memory and history, breaking the cycle of invisibility and promoting an inclusive space for the multiple voices that make up Brazilian society.
In the city of Salvador, considered the city with the largest Black population outside the African continent — with 83% of its population self-identifying as Black.³
—MUNCAB embodies a generational dream: to be a space for preservation, dialogue, reflection, and social transformation. This initiative connects ancestral memory to contemporary Black artistic productions, challenging stereotypes, racism, and prejudices still present in Brazilian society.
African contributions to the formation of Brazil go far beyond manual labor in the fields and plantations, the construction of Brazilian cities, or the production of wealth for the country. African contributions include intellectual and artistic production, religiosity, and the transmission of knowledge indispensable to Brazilian social and cultural organization. From clandestine practices in slave quarters to quilombos (maroon settlements), Africans and their descendants (Afro-Brazilians) preserved their cultures and knowledge, which are now celebrated as tangible and intangible heritage. This ancient knowledge permeates artistic and cultural production, medicine, gastronomy, botany, and even philosophical and political systems, consolidating itself as an essential part of Brazilian identity.
Over time, various Black organizations and initiatives have played a crucial role in preserving and disseminating this knowledge. Memorials in Candomblé terreiros (religious sites) and institutions such as the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture in Bahia, the Emanoel Araujo Afro-Brazilian Museum in São Paulo, and the Afro-Brazilian Museum of UFBA (Federal University of Bahia), have been consolidating themselves as part of a cultural policy that promotes the fight against epistemicide and racism.⁴ artistic and cultural expression, offering a platform for preservation and debates that reaffirm the leading role of Black people in the formation of Brazilian society.
The founding of MUNCAB was marked by a collective effort, bringing together political leaders, intellectuals, artists, educators, and representatives of Black communities in a movement unified by the ideal of rescuing and valuing Afro-Brazilian narratives. Names such as Ubiratan Castro de Araújo, Emanoel Araujo, Capinan, Jaime Sodré, Mãe Stella de Oxóssi, Maria Augusta Rocha, Nilson Mendes, Zulu Araújo, and Gilberto Gil were at the forefront of this process, consolidating the museum's mission as a space for cultural plurality, freedom of expression, and respect for differences.
The MUNCAB not only preserves and celebrates the Afro-Brazilian legacy, but also positions itself as an instrument of social transformation. Through its outreach activities, it promotes the dissemination of knowledge, the strengthening of identities, and the encouragement of a sense of belonging, contributing to the fight against structural inequalities and racism. Thus, the museum transcends its institutional role, becoming a national and international reference in the struggle against racism.
MUNCAB is consolidating itself as a cultural institution not only for the preservation of Afro-diasporic memory, but also for the recognition and dissemination of the work of contemporary artists—an inventory of essential references for combating racism—making visible the greatness of the contribution of Black people in the formation process and in the current panorama of Brazilian culture and artistic production. At MUNCAB, we work with the arts from the intersectionality of race and gender in dialogue with new technologies (virtual and augmented reality), seeking to guarantee the right to accessibility and inclusion of people with disabilities, working throughout the museological process with a focus on diversity, equity, inclusion, and accessibility (DEIA).
Located between Tesouro, Vassouras, and Rui Barbosa streets in the Historic Center of Salvador (CHS), the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture (MUNCAB) occupies a five-story neoclassical building, with almost 3.000 m2, in the former State Treasury building, inaugurated on July 6, 1923, and therefore celebrating its centenary in 2023. MUNCAB is part of a movement to revitalize the Old Center of Salvador, integrating the largest heritage site in Latin America, listed by the National Institute of Historic and Artistic Heritage – IPHAN (1984) and recognized as a World Heritage Site.
by UNESCO (1985). The region is extremely rich in historical monuments dating from the 17th century to the early 20th century. This is because Salvador was the first colonial capital of Brazil and the city is one of the oldest in the New World (founded in 1549 by Portuguese colonists).
The programs of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture: a structure for belonging, sustainability and inclusion.
To fulfill its institutional mission, MUNCAB structures its activities into programs that align with principles of administrative efficiency, accessibility, diversity, collection, and sustainability. Each program reflects a strategic perspective that combines social responsibility with the need for innovation and cultural transformation.
A Museum Plan is an essential strategic management tool for museums, establishing the institution's mission, vision, values, and objectives, as well as structurally aligning its programs, projects, and actions. According to the Brazilian Institute of Museums (Ibram), a Museum Plan should encompass various programs that cover the functions and services of a museum. Although the number and nomenclature of these programs may vary according to the specificities of each institution, Ibram suggests including the following main programs:
1. Collection Program: Focused on the management, conservation, and expansion of the museum's collection, ensuring its preservation and accessibility for research and exhibitions.
2. Exhibition Program: intended for the planning and execution of long-term and short-term exhibitions, promoting the dissemination and interpretation of the collection to the public.
3. Educational Program: aims to develop educational actions that broaden access
to knowledge, promoting inclusion and education for diverse audiences.
4. Communication Program: responsible for internal communication strategies
and externally, strengthening the institutional image and the relationship with the public and the media.
5. Research Program: It encourages the production of scientific knowledge related to the museum's collection and themes, contributing to the advancement of museology and related fields.
6. Human Resources Management Program: It deals with the development and training of
team, promoting a healthy and productive work environment.
7. Financial Sustainability Program: focuses on fundraising and
financial management, ensuring the economic viability of the museum's activities.
8. Accessibility Program: ensures that the museum is accessible to all.
public, eliminating physical, communicational and attitudinal barriers.
9. Security Program: It establishes measures to protect the collection, visitors, and employees, preventing risks and emergencies.
10. Document Management Program: Organizes and preserves administrative and technical documentation, facilitating access to information and institutional transparency.
11. Socio-environmental Program: promotes sustainable and responsible practices
social, integrating the museum with the community and the environment.
12. Information Technology Program: Implements and manages technological systems that support the museum's activities, improving processes and services.
These programs are essential for the effective organization and management of the museum, covering fundamental areas for its operation. The Diversity Program is not yet included in IBRAM's list of programs, but with the recent update of the museum concept by ICOM, we believe that, like the Accessibility Program, the Diversity Program should soon be integrated into the basic structure of Museum Plans, reflecting contemporary demands and the principles of inclusion and representation.
Developing diversity programs in museum institutions is essential for reflecting on and valuing the multiple identities that make up museum audiences. Diversity is not limited to racial or gender representation, but encompasses the inclusion of different sexual orientations, social classes, religions, and generations.
The National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture (MUNCAB) recognizes the importance of discussing the relationship between museums and audiences in a context of intense social and cultural transformations. We understand that the traditional dynamics of cultural production, centered on institutional formats, are being challenged by a new generation that questions established models and demands more inclusive, interactive, and representative approaches. Such measures not only democratize access to culture but also reaffirm the museum's commitment to being a space of belonging and inclusion.
The MUNCAB Museum Plan, in addition to the programs indicated by Ibram, includes a Diversity Program, a fundamental initiative for repositioning the institution. The MUNCAB Diversity Program considers the following principles and values essential:
• Enhancing the Afro-Brazilian vocation for pioneering spirit, innovation, and cultural and creative diversity.
• Contributing to educational initiatives that focus on Afro-Brazilian cultural heritage, prioritizing the most vulnerable and excluded groups.
• Valuing cultural diversity in its symbolic, civic, and economic dimensions.
• Promoting and respecting cultural rights from the perspective of democracy, cultural citizenship, and interculturality.
• Contribution to overcoming socio-spatial, socio-economic, racial, gender, and sexual orientation segregation.
• Democratization of access to culture with regard to the means of creation, production,
circulation, distribution and enjoyment of cultural goods.
• Contribution to the promotion of accessibility, considering the architectural, communicational, methodological, instrumental and programmatic dimensions.
• Integration, cross-cutting nature, and intersectoral nature of cultural actions.
• Decentralization of cultural activities with broad audience reach.
• Strengthening the creative economy, entrepreneurship, and income generation.
and the inclusion of cultural and creative agents in the job market.
• Focus on empowering, sustaining, and fostering collaborative action in cultural and creative initiatives.
• Contribution to actions combating racism and sexism, supporting quilombola communities, expressions of African origin, as well as LGBTQIAPN+ issues, and promoting the empowerment of women, people with disabilities, the elderly, and other minorities.
These values and principles were initially incorporated into the Political-Pedagogical Plan of the Boca de Brasa Creative School, a project developed in partnership with the Gregório de Mattos Foundation. Subsequently, this set of values was expanded and began to guide the Diversity Program of MUNCAB, reflecting the evolution and expansion of inclusion practices in the institution.
By implementing a Diversity Program aligned with these values, MUNCAB expands its reach and relevance, establishing meaningful connections with diverse audiences. Promoting diversity in multiple dimensions is central to democratizing access and ensuring inclusion. Furthermore, initiatives that integrate the transversality and intersectorality of cultural actions ensure that the museum is a dynamic and innovative space.
This program not only expands the reach and relevance of MUNCAB, but also generates significant impacts in the field of cultural policy. The adoption of practices focused on diversity increases connections with the public and reinforces the museum's role as a space for intercultural dialogue and critical reflection on contemporary society. Furthermore, these initiatives strengthen the institutional commitment to promoting racial equality, challenging stereotypes, and fostering social transformation.
Rethinking MUNCAB based on diversity is an opportunity to overcome traditional institutional models. In this context, MUNCAB's mission goes beyond the preservation of Afro-Brazilian heritage: it becomes a meeting point for multiple voices and a space where collective identity is celebrated in all its complexity and richness.
Thus, the Diversity Program is more than a technical or administrative necessity: it is one of the fundamental pillars for building a museum aligned with contemporary realities, reinforcing its positive impact on the lives of its visitors and on society as a whole.
A museum plan that includes a Diversity Program focused on combating racism, sexism, and LGBTQIAPN+phobia is essential to transforming the museum into a space that promotes identity, belonging, and social equality. In addition to responding to contemporary demands, these initiatives reposition the institution as an active agent of social transformation and the promotion of human rights and cultural justice.
By incorporating actions that directly address issues of gender, race, and sexual orientation, the museum acknowledges historical inequalities and works to reduce them. These initiatives are a concrete response to the need to combat epistemicide, valuing historically marginalized knowledge and artistic production and reaffirming the importance of plural narratives. In this way, the museum not only preserves cultural heritage but also promotes the empowerment of the communities that make up contemporary society, strengthening the role of these populations in the construction of collective memory. The implementation of a Diversity Program at the museum level also expands the institution's impact in the field of cultural policy, transforming the museum into a space for intercultural dialogue and confronting structural inequalities. The construction of an accessible, representative, and inclusive environment reinforces the museum's commitment to being a place of encounter and learning, capable of overcoming stereotypes and fostering respectful and egalitarian coexistence among different groups.
By recognizing diversity as a fundamental pillar, the museum positions itself as a dynamic space, connected to the demands of its diverse audiences, celebrating their multiple identities. In this context, it not only rescues and values cultural heritage, but also contributes to the deconstruction of prejudices and the promotion of a more just and equitable society.
Epistemicide is the process of eliminating or marginalizing the knowledge and cultural practices of historically subjugated groups, such as indigenous and Afro-Brazilian peoples, in favor of dominant models of knowledge. This concept denounces the destruction or invisibility of the epistemologies of non-Western cultures, perpetuating social and racial inequalities. This concept is widely discussed by authors such as Boaventura de Souza Santos and Abdias do Nascimento.
² “Whiteness” refers to the social and cultural construction of identity and power associated with white individuals, considering their privileged position within racial dynamics. This concept is related to the maintenance of privileges and the invisibility of the oppressions suffered by Black populations and other minorities.
in a social context.
³ According to the 2022 Demographic Census, conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).
⁴ The concept of racism involves a system of beliefs and practices that promotes discrimination and inequality based on race. The definition expands on the idea that certain groups, mostly white people, are considered superior to others, resulting in practices that marginalize, exclude, and subjugate people from racialized groups, especially Black and Indigenous people. Racism manifests itself both in individual attitudes and in social, political, and economic structures, perpetuating the idea of distinct and hierarchical “races.”
References
ARAUJO, Emanoel. Museological Plan of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture, 2009.
BENTO, Maria Aparecida Silva. The Narcissistic Pact of Whiteness. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2022.
______. “Whiteness: the other face of racism.” In: Social psychology of racism: studies on whiteness and whitening in Brazil. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2004.
BRAZIL. Museum Statute: Law No. 11.904, of January 14, 2009. Available at https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2007-2010/2009/Lei/L11904.htm. Accessed on November 7, 2024.
______. Decree No. 8.124, of October 17, 2013. Regulates the Statute of Museums. Available at https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2011-2014/2013/Decreto/D8124.htm. Accessed November 7, 2024.
CARNEIRO, Sueli. The construction of the other as non-being as the foundation of being. (PhD in Philosophy of Education) – FE/USP, São Paulo, 2005.
COELHO, Jamile; SOUZA, Cintia. Museological Plan of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture. National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture, 2022.
______. Political-Pedagogical Plan of the National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture. National Museum of Afro-Brazilian Culture, 2022.
IBRAM – Brazilian Institute of Museums. Museum plan: guidelines for development and implementation. Ministry of Culture, 2013.
ICOM – International Council of Museums. Museum Definition. Available at https://icom.museum/en/resources/standards-guidelines/museum-definition/ Accessed on November 7, 2024.
NASCIMENTO, Abdias do. The genocide of the Brazilian black: a process of masked racism. São Paulo: Editora Perspectiva, 2016.